Tag Archives: PRI

Looking Back at Mexico's Masked Guerilla Uprising

By Nathaniel Parish Flannery, Contributor

On January 1, 1994 three thousand wiry rebels, dressed in black vests, carrying a mix of ancient hunting shotguns, homemade rifles, and modern AK-47s descended from the hills into the cloud-covered cobblestone streets of San Cristobal, a colonial city in the state of Chiapas, Mexico. As the rebel fighters clashed with police and army units, they succeeded in bringing their state and their political movement out from an isolated corner of Mexico’s southern border onto the global stage.  After being ignored for years, they were making their voices heard. Over the course of the twentieth century, Mexico’s central state expanded into the periphery, building roads and encouraging the development of large-scale farms and the cultivation of cash crops for export. At the same time, many of the farmhands who had worked on Chiapas plantations for hundreds of years, forayed out into the unpopulated stretches of jungle on Chiapas’ southern border with Guatemala. As the century progressed, Mexico’s government implemented a set of policies that favored industrial development, cash crop cultivation, and the prioritization of the urban political exigencies over rural residents’ interests. With the help of export earnings and oil revenues, from World War II until the 1970s Mexico’s government jerry-horned a policy mix that pulled together Mexico’s disparate political interests under the umbrella of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). In the 1980s, however, as the global economy sputtered and Mexico buckled and nearly broke under the weight of debt accumulated during the boom years. Tested by economic crisis in the eighties, the PRI’s pathological mix of urban industrialization and politically motivated pro-poor policies in the rural periphery began to fall apart. Over the course of the 1980s Mexico’s government scaled back subsidies for small farmers in the south but continued to work to attract investment in the industrial north. As Mexico’s public chaffed at the continued rule of the PRI, Mexico’s long-time ruling elite pushed forward a new agenda of populist transfer programs and election-rigging to maintain power. Over the course of the 1980s under the strain of rising debt obligations and a slowing global economy, the gulf between the official rhetoric and the political reality opened into a wide crevasse. The Zapatistas’ uprising forced the government to acknowledge the existence of the disaffected rural poor in Chiapas and admit that many communities in Mexico had been left behind as the country modernized. Even today, despite the fact that Starbucks, a company which earned nearly $1.4 billion in net income in fiscal 2012 sources much of its shade-grown Mexican coffee in Chiapas, the state remains the poorest in Mexico.  …read more

Source: FULL ARTICLE at Forbes Latest

Expression of taste signal transduction molecules in the cecum of common marmosets

Expression of taste signal transduction molecules were revealed not only in the tongue, but also in the cecum of common marmosets, by a research group organized with Associate Professor Hiroo IMAI of the Primate Research Institute (PRI), Kyoto University, Ms. Sae GONDA, a collaborative researcher of PRI in 2011-2013 (was a graduate student of Gifu University until March in 2013), Dr. Shuichi MATSUMURA and Dr. Shoichirou SAITO, Associate Professors of the Faculty of Applied Biological Sciences, Gifu University, as well as by Associate Professor Yasuhiro GO, the National Institutes of Natural Sciences (formerly worked as Assistant Professor of PRI). …read more

Source: FULL ARTICLE at Phys.org

Mexico conservatives keep key state governorship

Mexico’s conservative opposition retained the governor’s seat in Baja California after the ruling party candidate conceded defeat Saturday following a recount in the politically crucial state.

The state bordering the United States was the biggest prize in the July 7 regional elections in 14 Mexican states, with analysts saying its result could sink or save a multi-party reform pact.

The candidate of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Fernando Castro Trenti, threw in the towel as the recount gave an edge to National Action Party (PAN) rival Francisco “Kiko” Vega.

“We concede defeat,” Castro Trenti told reporters. “In politics, you have to assume your responsibilities.”

Vega had led Castro Trenti when preliminary results were released last Monday, but state electoral authorities annulled it and ordered a recount due to a technical error.

Vega was leading by 8,245 votes in 12 of 17 districts when his rival decided to concede defeat on Saturday.

The state is significant in national political history because the PAN’s first victory here in 1989 broke decades of dominance by the PRI, which ruled Mexico for most of the 20th century through rigged elections and repression.

Defeat would have been another hard knock for the conservatives, who made more history in 2000 when they won the presidency, ending the PRI’s 71-year dominance.

For the PRI, it would have been another big victory after President Enrique Pena Nieto ended the party’s 12-year absence from the nation’s highest office in July 2012.

But a win for Pena Nieto’s party could also have backfired on him: it could have resulted in the downfall of opposition party boss Gustavo Madero, who has signed a pact with the ruling PRI and a leftist party to enact nationwide reforms, a decision which has earned him dissent from his own party.

…read more

Source: FULL ARTICLE at Fox World News

Upgrade: Mexico's Government Takes Aim at the Telecom Sector

By Nathaniel Parish Flannery, Contributor

Mexico’s new telecom reform should give the country’s business owners something to cheer about. After Mexico’s July 1 2012 election, I watched a mob of spirited protesters march through downtown Mexico City. They shouted their discontent with the country’s newly elected president and condemned Mexico’s broadcast giant Televisa, saying it had unfairly influenced the result of the election. In an article I wrote in September, 2012 I explained “In the end, the controversy did not ruin [Enrique] Peña Nieto’s presidential bid, but it did cause problems for Televisa. The complaints about Televisa’s monopoly power in the television market came at a delicate time, just as Televisa was seeking approval to expand into the country’s telecom sector, an area of the economy that has been dominated by Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim since the 1980s, when he won control of the state-owned telecom monopoly during a PRI-led push for privatization.” …read more
Source: FULL ARTICLE at Forbes Latest

Mexico's Economic Trajectory: Onward and Up?

By Nathaniel Parish Flannery, Contributor

Mexico now has Thomas Friedman’s stamp of approval. Within the country, however, criticism of the prevailing economic model has not dissipated with the transition to a new government. Shortly after Mexico’s July, 2012 election, I took a trip to the Atlantic coast home state of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, a charismatic and controversial candidate who lost the election and then staged a series of massive protests. While in Tabasco, I met with the local fishermen who venture out into the region’s lakes and lagoons in search of a frightening looking, slow-swimming fish that inspired the nickname “El Peje” for Lopez Obrador. As I explained in this article for The Atlantic, like a languid pejelagarto fish, Lopez Obrador struggles to keep up with the rapidly shifting currents of Mexico’s evolving political and economic environment. In an election in which voters called for an end to drugwar violence but also wanted to protect Mexico’s recent record of economic growth, Lopez Obrador became a polarizing candidate. Many voters from Mexico’s far left viewed him as the country’s only savior from a return to rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the front-running umbrella group that ruled Mexico for 71 years before being ousted from power in 2000. However, although some voters viewed Lopez Obrador as an important alternative to the centrist PRI and the right-of-center party of outgoing president Felipe Calderon, many Mexicans were also wary of his outdated economic views and anachronistic policy ideas. At his final rally in Mexico City, I watched as Lopez Obrador told the crowd that he’d deliver “a real change” and that during his administration Mexico “would produce what we consume.” …read more
Source: FULL ARTICLE at Forbes Latest

Bank of America Corp.'s Preferred Stock, Series 3 Ex-Dividend Reminder

By DividendChannel.com

On 2/13/13, Bank of America Corp.’s 6.375% Non-Cumulative Preferred Stock, Series 3 (NYSE: BML.PRI) will trade ex-dividend, for its quarterly dividend of $0.3984, payable on 2/28/13. As a percentage of BML.PRI‘s recent share price of $25.32, this dividend works out to approximately 1.57%, so look for shares of BML.PRI to trade 1.57% lower ? all else being equal ? when BML.PRI shares open for trading on 2/13/13. On an annualized basis, the current yield is approximately 6.28%, which compares to an average yield of 5.55% in the “Financial” preferred stock category, according to Preferred Stock Channel.
Click here to learn which S.A.F.E. dividend stocks also have preferred shares that should be on your radar screen » …read more
Source: FULL ARTICLE at Forbes Markets

Mexico: gas leak caused state oil company blast

A gas buildup ignited by an electrical spark or other heat source caused the blast that killed 37 people and wounded dozens of others last week at the state oil company’s headquarters, Mexico‘s attorney general said.

But Attorney-General Jesus Murillo Karam said investigators were still looking for the source of the gas, and revising records of building inspections to determine why Petroleos Mexicanos had not discovered the gas accumulation. As a state company, Pemex is responsible for inspecting its own buildings.

Murillo said late Monday that an investigation by Mexican, Spanish, U.S. and British experts into the petroleum giant’s worst disaster in more than a decade found no evidence of explosives in the Thursday afternoon blast that collapsed several lower floors of the Pemex administrative building.

He said the investigators believe that an electrical spark or other source of heat had detonated the gas.

With the exception of three victims, none of those killed had the burn marks or damaged ear drums that are typical evidence of a bombing, he said. Nor was there any sign of a crater or fracturing of the building’s steel beams, also common signs of the detonation of an explosive device.

Murillo said officials had yet to discover the source of what initial evidence indicated to be methane gas that leaked from a duct or tunnel or came from the sewer system and built up in the basement of the building.

Murillo said that an independent contractor had told investigators that he was working with a crew of three men performing maintenance in the basement of building B2. The contractor said the basement wasn’t lit, so his crew had rigged illumination by attaching a crude electric cable to a power source in the ceiling.

The contractor told investigators that seconds after he moved to a higher floor, he heard a noise and then the building was rocked by an explosion. The three men were found dead in the lower basement with burn marks, one with a fragment of cable stuck to his body. They had no evidence of the dismemberment typical in the detonation of explosives.

Murillo described the blast as a “diffuse” explosion whose blast moved slowly and horizontally, typical of the detonation of a cloud of gas, rather than an explosion that would have emanated from a relatively compact source like a bomb.

He said laboratory tests had turned up “zero” evidence of any explosive.

“We’ve been able to determine that the explosion was caused by an accumulation of gas in the basement of the building,” he said. “This explosion, at its peak, generated an effect on the structures of the floors of the building, first pushing them up and then causing them to fall, and that was the primary cause of deaths in the building.”

The announcement late Monday ended days of a near-total lack of information about the potential cause of the incident. The sparse information spawned a torrent of complaints about government secrecy and speculation about the cause of the blast, most focusing on the possibility that it was intentional.

The suspicions of foul play became so intense that Murillo insisted on displaying photos of a backpack found in the rubble in order to prove to the public that it contained makeup, and not a suspicious, potentially explosive device as reported by some Mexican media earlier in the day.

Some observers unfavorably compared the lack of openness by the Institutional Revolutionary Party government to the secretiveness of the party during its decades of autocratic rule of Mexico. The party, known by its Spanish initials PRI, returned to power in December after losing the Mexican presidency 12 years earlier.

The blast also generated debate about the state of Pemex, a vital source of government revenue that is suffering from decades of underinvestment and has been hit by a recent series of accidents that have tarnished its otherwise improving safety record.

Until now, virtually all the accidents had hit its petroleum infrastructure, not its office buildings.

Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto has pledged to open the oil behemoth to more private and foreign investment, setting off warnings among leftists about the privatization of an enterprise seen as one of the pillars of the Mexican state. Pena Nieto has provided few details of the reform he will propose but denies any plan to privatize Pemex.

Murillo said there is not yet any evidence of criminal wrongdoing in the disaster, but the possibility of criminal charges remained open.

The disaster was a major setback to a safety record that had been improving following a series of incidents in the 1980s and 1990s, according to company figures. The number of accidents per million hours worked dropped by more than half, from 1.06 in 2005 to 0.42 in 2010. That is in line with the international average of about 0.43 per million, according to the U.K.-based International Association of Oil and Gas Producers, which does not independently verify company numbers.

But Pemex acknowledged in a report that starting in late 2011, a series of smaller blasts and fires, mainly at refineries and petrochemical plants, had “seriously impacted” its safety rate. It said the rate of injuries per million hours had risen to 0.54.

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Follow AP reporter Michael Weissenstein on Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/mweissenstein

Source: FULL ARTICLE at Fox World News

Mexico election investigation goes against leftist

During Mexico‘s presidential election last year, the leftist candidate furiously complained that while he flew economy class his rival from the former ruling party campaigned in private planes, appeared constantly on television and was dramatically overspending campaign limits.

Enrique Pena Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party won the vote over leftist Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, and election authorities began an investigation into allegations of campaign spending violations.

Now, six months later, the electoral body says it has indeed found evidence of violations: by Lopez Obrador, not Pena Nieto.

The finding, which will be voted on by the commissioners of the Federal Electoral Institute on Wednesday, provoked outrage from Lopez Obrador, his backers and some independent observers who charged that a body once seen as a pillar of Mexico‘s young democracy is allowing itself to be coopted by Pena Nieto‘s party.

“So now it turns out that Mr. Pena, who moved around in private planes, in private helicopters, while I was driving on the highways or on commercial flights, now it turns out that Mr. Pena was a victim,” Lopez Obrador told MVS Radio on Tuesday.

The spending limit for the 2012 presidential campaign was 336.1 million pesos ($26.3 million) and the probe found that the three parties backing Lopez Obrador had spent 370.5 million pesos ($29 million). It found Pena Nieto‘s campaign spent 241.8 million pesos ($18.9 million) and Josefina Vazquez Mota of the conservative National Action Party, or PAN, spent 209.1 million pesos ($16.4 million).

The findings are based on the party’s own reports, documents which have not been made public.

Lopez Obrador said the electoral institute sought “to place me on the same level as Pena Nieto, as if we were as corrupt as Pena Nieto.” He said his campaign had spent only 230 million pesos, under the campaign limit.

But the electoral institute said the leftist coalition claimed it had spent 286.2 million pesos, while documentation the parties provided showed they spent 370.5 million.

It isn’t surprising that Lopez Obrador‘s campaign, run mainly by his Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD, broke campaign limits, said political analyst Jose Antonio Crespo, of the Center for Economic Research and Teaching in Mexico City,

“But it isn’t credible to me that the PRI was topped by the PRD and that it didn’t exceed campaign limits itself,” he said.

There was no immediate reaction from Pena Nieto‘s PRI to the ruling.

The electoral institute found last week that the PRI had not engaged in illegal campaign financing, as alleged by PRD and PAN officials.

Source: FULL ARTICLE at Fox World News